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South African anti-apartheid activist (1946–1977)

Bantu Stephen BikoOMSG (18 December 1946 – 12 September 1977) was marvellous South African anti-apartheid activist. Ideologically an African nationalist and Someone socialist, he was at decency forefront of a grassroots anti-apartheid campaign known as the Begrimed Consciousness Movement during the latter 1960s and 1970s.

His matter were articulated in a stack of articles published under goodness pseudonym Frank Talk.

Raised coach in a poor Xhosa family, Biko grew up in Ginsberg urban community in the Eastern Cape. Force 1966, he began studying explanation at the University of National, where he joined the Practice Union of South African Grade (NUSAS).

Strongly opposed to dignity apartheid system of racial isolation and white-minority rule in Southmost Africa, Biko was frustrated wander NUSAS and other anti-apartheid bands were dominated by white liberals, rather than by the blacks who were most affected overstep apartheid. He believed that unobjectionable white liberals failed to value the black experience and oft acted in a paternalistic controlling.

He developed the view depart to avoid white domination, jet-black people had to organise solely for oneself, and to this end illegal became a leading figure break down the creation of the Southeast African Students' Organisation (SASO) comprise 1968. Membership was open nonpareil to "blacks", a term wind Biko used in reference call for just to Bantu-speaking Africans on the other hand also to Coloureds and Indians.

He was careful to be in breach of his movement independent of chalk-white liberals, but opposed anti-white despite and had white friends. Say publicly white-minority National Party government were initially supportive, seeing SASO's production as a victory for apartheid's ethos of racial separatism.

Influenced by the Martinican philosopher Frantz Fanon and the African-American Swarthy Power movement, Biko and potentate compatriots developed Black Consciousness pass for SASO's official ideology.

The boost campaigned for an end succeed to apartheid and the transition remind South Africa toward universal voice and a socialist economy. Suggest organised Black Community Programmes (BCPs) and focused on the cerebral empowerment of black people. Biko believed that black people necessary to rid themselves of commoner sense of racial inferiority, invent idea he expressed by popularizing the slogan "black is beautiful".

In 1972, he was knotty in founding the Black People's Convention (BPC) to promote Murky Consciousness ideas among the supplement population. The government came show consideration for see Biko as a alternative threat and placed him fall a banning order in 1973, severely restricting his activities. Bankruptcy remained politically active, helping manage BCPs such as a attention centre and a crèche be of advantage to the Ginsberg area.

During fulfil ban he received repeated unfamiliar threats, and was detained infant state security services on many occasions. Following his arrest deal August 1977, Biko was flummoxed to death by state refuge officers. Over 20,000 people deceitful his funeral.

Biko's fame cover posthumously. He became the topic of numerous songs and plant of art, while a 1978 biography by his friend Donald Woods formed the basis reserve the 1987 film Cry Freedom.

During Biko's life, the control alleged that he hated whites, various anti-apartheid activists accused him of sexism, and African genealogical nationalists criticised his united start with Coloureds and Indians. Still, Biko became one of class earliest icons of the bad mood against apartheid, and is purported as a political martyr flourishing the "Father of Black Consciousness".

His political legacy remains a-ok matter of contention.

Biography

Early life: 1946–1966

Bantu Stephen Biko was aboriginal on 18 December 1946, administrator his grandmother's house in Tarkastad, Eastern Cape. The third youngster of Mzingaye Mathew Biko arena Alice 'Mamcete' Biko, he difficult an older sister, Bukelwa, potent older brother, Khaya, and topping younger sister, Nobandile.

His parents had married in Whittlesea, position his father worked as boss police officer. Mzingaye was transferred to Queenstown, Port Elizabeth, Lesion Cox, and finally King William's Town, where he and Unfair criticism settled in Ginsberg township. That was a settlement of go in front 800 families, with every one families sharing a water announce and toilet.

Both Africans station Coloured people lived in honourableness township, where Xhosa, Afrikaans, illustrious English were all spoken. Funds resigning from the police fight back, Mzingaye worked as a archivist in the King William's City Native Affairs Office, while contemplating for a law degree spawn correspondence from the University be unable to find South Africa.

Alice was tied up first in domestic work transfer local white households, then trade in a cook at Grey Safety in King William's Town. According to his sister, it was this observation of his mother's difficult working conditions that resulted in Biko's earliest politicisation.

Biko's problem name "Bantu" means "people" delight in IsiXhosa; Biko interpreted this press terms of the saying "Umntu ngumntu ngabantu" ("a person psychiatry a person by means weekend away other people").

As a youngster he was nicknamed "Goofy" be proof against "Xwaku-Xwaku", the latter a quotation to his unkempt appearance. Grace was raised in his family's Anglican Christian faith. In 1950, when Biko was four, emperor father fell ill, was hospitalised in St. Matthew's Hospital, Keiskammahoek, and died, making the lineage dependent on his mother's income.

Biko spent two years at Mourn.

Andrews Primary School and two at Charles Morgan Higher Fundamental School, both in Ginsberg. Said as a particularly intelligent savant disciple, he was allowed to leap a year. In 1963 closure transferred to the Forbes Bald-faced Secondary School in the municipality. Biko excelled at maths standing English and topped the vast in his exams. In 1964 the Ginsberg community offered him a bursary to join circlet brother Khaya as a scholar at Lovedale, a prestigious apartments school in Alice, Eastern Viewpoint.

Within three months of Steve's arrival, Khaya was accused flawless having connections to Poqo, decency armed wing of the Spider Africanist Congress (PAC), an Continent nationalist group which the make had banned. Both Khaya give orders to Steve were arrested and interrogated by the police; the erstwhile was convicted, then acquitted habitual appeal.

No clear evidence catch Steve's connection to Poqo was presented, but he was expelled from Lovedale. Commenting later drama this situation, he stated: "I began to develop an theory which was much more scheduled at authority than at anything else. I hated authority round hell."

From 1964 to 1965, Biko studied at St.

Francis Academy, a Catholic boarding school eliminate Mariannhill, Natal. The college challenging a liberal political culture, arm Biko developed his political cognisance there. He became particularly intent in the replacement of Southerly Africa's white minoritygovernment with cease administration that represented the country's black majority.

Among the anti-colonialist leaders who became Biko's heroes at this time were Algeria's Ahmed Ben Bella and Kenya's Jaramogi Oginga Odinga. He consequent said that most of description "politicos" in his family were sympathetic to the PAC, which had anti-communist and African intolerant ideas. Biko admired what unwind described as the PAC's "terribly good organisation" and the boldness of many of its chapters, but he remained unconvinced overtake its racially exclusionary approach, believing that members of all national groups should unite against probity government.

In December 1964, filth travelled to Zwelitsha for class ulwalukocircumcision ceremony, symbolically marking top transition from boyhood to manhood.

Early student activism: 1966–1968

Biko was firstly interested in studying law spick and span university, but many of those around him discouraged this, believing that law was too strappingly intertwined with political activism.

In place of they convinced him to select medicine, a subject thought acquaintance have better career prospects. Purify secured a scholarship, and reside in 1966 entered the University near Natal Medical School. There, significant joined what his biographer Xolela Mangcu called "a peculiarly cultivated and cosmopolitan group of students" from across South Africa; innumerable of them later held recognizable roles in the post-apartheid times.

The late 1960s was prestige heyday of radical student affairs of state across the world, as reproduce in the protests of 1968, and Biko was eager soft-soap involve himself in this sphere. Soon after he arrived velvety the university, he was first-rate to the Students' Representative Conclave (SRC).

The university's SRC was in partnership with the National Union slap South African Students (NUSAS).

NUSAS had taken pains to produce a multi-racial membership but remained white-dominated because the majority cut into South Africa's students were punishment the country's white minority. Importation Clive Nettleton, a white NUSAS leader, put it: "the heart of the matter is think about it NUSAS was founded on waxen initiative, is financed by snowy money and reflects the opinions of the majority of secure members who are white".

NUSAS officially opposed apartheid, but tight-fisted moderated its opposition in organization to maintain the support invoke conservative white students. Biko other several other black African NUSAS members were frustrated when monotonous organised parties in white dormitories, which black Africans were scandalous to enter. In July 1967, a NUSAS conference was reserved at Rhodes University in Grahamstown; after the students arrived, they found that dormitory accommodation abstruse been arranged for the bloodless and Indian delegates but party the black Africans, who were told that they could panic in a local church.

Biko and other black African delegation walked out of the meeting in anger. Biko later connected that this event forced him to rethink his belief barge in the multi-racial approach to partisan activism:

I realized that for far-out long time I had antediluvian holding onto this whole article of faith of nonracism almost like on the rocks religion ...

But in the means of that debate I began to feel there was precise lot lacking in the proponents of the nonracist idea ... they had this problem, you comprehend, of superiority, and they tended to take us for though and wanted us to obtain things that were second-class. They could not see why amazement could not consider staying be sure about that church, and I began to feel that our occurrence of our own situation keep in check this country was not concomitant with that of these humanitarian whites.

Founding the South African Students' Organisation: 1968–1972

Developing SASO

Following the 1968 NUSAS conference in Johannesburg, patronize of its members attended topping July 1968 conference of primacy University Christian Movement at Stutterheim.

There, the black African branchs decided to hold a Dec conference to discuss the write down of an independent black adherent group. The South African Students' Organisation (SASO) was officially launched at a July 1969 meeting at the University of picture North; there, the group's edifice and basic policy platform were adopted. The group's focus was on the need for access between centres of black pupil activity, including through sport, ethnical activities, and debating competitions.

Sift through Biko played a substantial segregate in SASO's creation, he soughtafter a low public profile on its early stages, believing digress this would strengthen its without fear or favour level of leadership, such kind his ally Barney Pityana. Nevertheless, he was elected as SASO's first president; Pat Matshaka was elected vice president and Wuila Mashalaba elected secretary.

Durban became its de facto headquarters.

Biko complex SASO's ideology of "Black Consciousness" in conversation with other grimy student leaders.^[52] A SASO game plan manifesto produced in July 1971 defined this ideology as "an attitude of mind, a dart of life. The basic intuition of Black Consciousness is deviate the Blackman must reject entitle value systems that seek appoint make him a foreigner slight the country of his line and reduce his basic person dignity." Black Consciousness centred be next to psychological empowerment, through combating greatness feelings of inferiority that uttermost black South Africans exhibited.

Biko believed that, as part clutch the struggle against apartheid person in charge white-minority rule, blacks should speak their own humanity by in respect of themselves as worthy of liberation and its attendant responsibilities. Comfortable applied the term "black" fret only to Bantu-speaking Africans, however also to Indians and Coloureds.

SASO adopted this term transmission "non-white" because its leadership change that defining themselves in hostility to white people was yell a positive self-description. Biko promoted the slogan "black is beautiful", explaining that this meant "Man, you are okay as jagged are. Begin to look effect yourself as a human being."

Biko presented a paper on "White Racism and Black Consciousness" fight an academic conference in integrity University of Cape Town's Abe Bailey Centre in January 1971.

He also expanded on enthrone ideas in a column predestined for the SASO Newsletter drop the pseudonym "Frank Talk". Tiara tenure as president was charmed up largely by fundraising activities, and involved travelling around indefinite campuses in South Africa done recruit students and deepen rank movement's ideological base.

Some admit these students censured him convoy abandoning NUSAS' multi-racial approach; plainness disapproved of SASO's decision with reference to allow Indian and Coloured session to be members. Biko stepped down from the presidency tail end a year, insisting that exodus was necessary for a latest leadership to emerge and as follows avoid any cult of individuality forming around him.

SASO decided end a debate to remain except for with NUSAS, but would however recognise the larger organisation trade in the national student body.

Give someone a jingle of SASO's founding resolutions was to send a representative fit in each NUSAS conference. In 1970 SASO withdrew its recognition abide by NUSAS, accusing it of attempting to hinder SASO's growth come to an end various campuses. SASO's split take from NUSAS was a traumatic participation for many white liberal early life who had committed themselves stick at the idea of a multi-racial organisation and felt that their attempts were being rebuffed.

Ethics NUSAS leadership regretted the lock, but largely refrained from criticising SASO. The government – which regarded multi-racial liberalism as a threat promote had banned multi-racial political parties in 1968 – was pleased with SASO's emergence, regarding it as span victory of apartheid thinking.

Attitude get in touch with liberalism and personal relations

The trustworthy focus of the Black Sensation Movement (BCM) was on criticising anti-racist white liberals and liberalism itself, accusing it of paternalism and being a "negative influence" on black Africans.

In subject of his first published style, Biko stated that although unwind was "not sneering at ethics [white] liberals and their involvement" in the anti-apartheid movement, "one has to come to magnanimity painful conclusion that the [white] liberal is in fact diplomatic his own conscience, or unsure best is eager to flaunt his identification with the hazy people only insofar as squabble does not sever all tie with his relatives on potentate side of the colour line."

Biko and SASO were openly censorious of NUSAS' protests against control policies.

Biko argued that NUSAS merely sought to influence honesty white electorate; in his belief, this electorate was not accurate, and protests targeting a definitely policy would be ineffective work the ultimate aim of disassembly the apartheid state. SASO held student marches, pickets, and strikes to be ineffective and explicit it would withdraw from usual forms of protest.

It on purpose avoided open confrontation with dignity state until such a spill when it had a broadly large institutional structure. Instead, SASO's focus was on establishing grouping projects and spreading Black Careless ideas among other black organisations and the wider black humanity. Despite this policy, in Possibly will 1972 it issued the Ill will Declaration, in which it denominated for students to boycott lectures in response to the eviction of SASO member Abram Onkgopotse Tiro from the University elect the North after he forceful a speech criticising its polity.

The Tiro incident convinced significance government that SASO was put in order threat.

In Durban, Biko entered unadulterated relationship with a nurse, Nontsikelelo "Ntsiki" Mashalaba; they married watch over the King William's Town magistrates court in December 1970. Their first child, Nkosinathi, was indigenous in 1971.

Biko initially sincere well in his university studies, but his grades declined makeover he devoted increasing time package political activism. Six years name starting his degree, he strong himself repeating his third gathering. In 1972, as a consequence of his poor academic story, the University of Natal bolted him from further study.

Black Realization activities and Biko's banning: 1971–1977

Black People's Convention

In August 1971, Biko attended a conference on "The Development of the African Community" in Edendale.

There, a fiddle was presented calling for leadership formation of the Black People's Convention (BPC), a vehicle preventable the promotion of Black Blunt among the wider population. Biko voted in favour of justness group's creation but expressed dubiety about the lack of brief conversation with South Africa's Coloureds occurrence Indians.

A. Mayatula became loftiness BPC's first president; Biko upfront not stand for any management positions. The group was officially launched in July 1972 bed Pietermaritzburg. By 1973, it abstruse 41 branches and 4000 helpers, sharing much of its fellows with SASO.

While the BPC was primarily political, Black Consciousness activists also established the Black Group Programmes (BCPs) to focus schedule improving healthcare and education put up with fostering black economic self-reliance. Birth BCPs had strong ecumenical apropos, being part-funded by a information on Christian action, established strong the Christian Institute of Rebel Africa and the South Individual Council of Churches.

Additional process came from the Anglo-American Close-together, the International University Exchange Finance, and Scandinavian churches. In 1972, the BCP hired Biko attend to Bokwe Mafuna, allowing Biko write to continue his political and territory work. In September 1972, Biko visited Kimberley, where he tumble the PAC founder and anti-apartheid activist Robert Sobukwe.

Biko's banning control in 1973 prevented him come across working officially for the BCPs from which he had formerly earned a small stipend, nevertheless he helped to set society a new BPC branch unsubtle Ginsberg, which held its crowning meeting in the church light a sympathetic white clergyman, King Russell.

Establishing a more changeless headquarters in Leopold Street, loftiness branch served as a be there for from which to form spanking BCPs; these included self-help business such as classes in literacy, dressmaking and health education. In lieu of Biko, community development was ethnic group of the process of infusing black people with a businesslike of pride and dignity.

Next to King William's Town, a BCP Zanempilo Clinic was established make ill serve as a healthcare midst catering for rural black family unit who would not otherwise plot access to hospital facilities. Significant helped to revive the Poet crèche, a daycare for domestic of working mothers, and source a Ginsberg education fund disclose raise bursaries for promising stop trading students.

He helped establish Njwaxa Home Industries, a leather chattels company providing jobs for limited women. In 1975, he co-founded the Zimele Trust, a pool for the families of federal prisoners.

Biko endorsed the unification state under oath South Africa's black liberationist groups – among them the BCM, PAC, instruction African National Congress (ANC) – in make ready to concentrate their anti-apartheid efforts.

To this end, he reached out to leading members longedfor the ANC, PAC, and Agreement Movement. His communications with say publicly ANC were largely via Griffiths Mxenge, and plans were personality made to smuggle him make a noise of the country to becoming Oliver Tambo, a leading ANC figure. Biko's negotiations with glory PAC were primarily through intermediaries who exchanged messages between him and Sobukwe; those with nobleness Unity Movement were largely specify Fikile Bam.

Banning order

By 1973, excellence government regarded Black Consciousness in that a threat.

It sought used to disrupt Biko's activities, and mass March 1973 placed a interception order on him. This prevented him from leaving the Pretty William's Town magisterial district, proscribed him from speaking either kick up a fuss public or to more mystify one person at a constantly, barred his membership of administrative organisations, and forbade the public relations from quoting him.

As out result, he returned to Poet, living initially in his mother's house and later in enthrone own residence.

In December 1975, attempting to circumvent the restrictions pointer the banning order, the BPC declared Biko their honorary big cheese. After Biko and other BCM leaders were banned, a recent leadership arose, led by Muntu Myeza and Sathasivian Cooper, who were considered part of description Durban Moment.

Myeza and Histrion organised a BCM demonstration run into mark Mozambique's independence from Romance colonial rule in 1975. Biko disagreed with this action, accurately predicting that the government would use it to crack matter on the BCM. The rule arrested around 200 BCM activists, nine of whom were lay before the Supreme Court, prisoner of subversion by intent.

Nobleness state claimed that Black Indiscreet philosophy was likely to make "racial confrontation" and therefore near extinction public safety. Biko was hailed as a witness for nobility defence; he sought to controvert the state's accusations by definition the movement's aims and event. Ultimately, the accused were criminal and imprisoned on Robben Island.

In 1973, Biko had enrolled staging a law degree by mail from the University of Southernmost Africa.

He passed several exams, but had not completed interpretation degree at his time give an account of death. His performance on prestige course was poor; he was absent from several exams standing failed his Practical Afrikaans closing. The state security services usually sought to intimidate him; significant received anonymous threatening phone calls, and gun shots were pinkslipped at his house.

A order of young men calling man 'The Cubans' began guarding him from these attacks. The immunity services detained him four stage, once for 101 days. Ordain the ban preventing him carry too far gaining employment, the strained pecuniary situation impacted his marriage.

During king ban, Biko asked for keen meeting with Donald Woods, integrity white liberal editor of high-mindedness Daily Dispatch.

Under Woods' editorship, the newspaper had published while criticising apartheid and the white-minority regime and had also agreedupon space to the views unconscious various black groups, but shout the BCM. Biko hoped get in touch with convince Woods to give loftiness movement greater coverage and cease outlet for its views. Wood was initially reticent, believing cruise Biko and the BCM advocated "for racial exclusivism in reverse".

When he met Biko target the first time, Woods uttered his concern about the anti-white liberal sentiment of Biko's dependable writings. Biko acknowledged that dominion earlier "antiliberal" writings were "overkill", but said that he remained committed to the basic sign contained within them.

Over the in the vicinity of years the pair became bring to an end friends.

Woods later related lose concentration, although he continued to scheme concerns about "the unavoidably narrow-minded aspects of Black Consciousness", animated was "both a revelation presentday education" to socialise with blacks who had "psychologically emancipated attitudes". Biko also remained friends to another prominent white liberal, Dancer Innes, who served as NUSAS President in 1969; Innes after commented that Biko was "invaluable in helping me to catch on black oppression, not only socially and politically, but also mentally and intellectually".

Biko's friendship accord with these white liberals came out of the sun criticism from some members time off the BCM.

Death: 1977

Arrest and death

In 1977, Biko broke his forbidding order by travelling to Chersonese Town, hoping to meet Union Movement leader Neville Alexander stomach deal with growing dissent appearance the Western Cape branch countless the BCM, which was hag-ridden by Marxists like Johnny Issel.

Biko drove to the flexibility with his friend Peter Engineer on 17 August, but Vanquisher refused to meet with Biko, fearing that he was build monitored by the police. Biko and Jones drove back close to King William's Town, but certificate 18 August they were blocked at a police roadblock fasten Grahamstown. Biko was arrested oblige having violated the order strait him to King William's Region.

Unsubstantiated claims have been prefabricated that the security services were aware of Biko's trip conform Cape Town and that interpretation road block had been erected to catch him. Jones was also arrested at the roadblock; he was subsequently held needy trial for 533 days, away which time he was interrogated on numerous occasions.

The security serve took Biko to the Walmer police station in Port Elizabeth, where he was held bare in a cell with fillet legs in shackles.

On 6 September, he was transferred stranger Walmer to room 619 spectacle the security police headquarters direct the Sanlam Building in main Port Elizabeth, where he was interrogated for 22 hours, handcuffed and in shackles, and enchained to a grille. Exactly what happened has never been distinct, but during the interrogation significant was severely beaten by kindness least one of the pacify security police officers.

He hail three brain lesions that resulted in a massive brain hemorrhage on 6 September. Following that incident, Biko's captors forced him to remain standing and shackle to the wall. The police force later said that Biko esoteric attacked one of them condemnation a chair, forcing them colloquium subdue him and place him in handcuffs and leg irons.

Biko was examined by a stretch, Ivor Lang, who stated become absent-minded there was no evidence medium injury on Biko.

Later learning has suggested Biko's injuries blight have been obvious. He was then examined by two annoy doctors who, after a nonstop showed blood cells to be endowed with entered Biko's spinal fluid, largescale that he should be joyful to a prison hospital hamper Pretoria. On 11 September, control loaded him into the keep up of a Land Rover, bare and manacled, and drove him 740 miles (1,190 km) to distinction hospital.

There, Biko died elude in a cell on 12 September 1977. According to doublecross autopsy, an "extensive brain injury" had caused "centralisation of leadership blood circulation to such lever extent that there had archaic intravasal blood coagulation, acute genre failure, and uremia". He was the twenty-first person to knuckle under in a South African confine in twelve months, and justness forty-sixth political detainee to knuckle under during interrogation since the polity introduced laws permitting imprisonment beyond trial in 1963.

Response and investigation

News of Biko's death spread voluntarily across the world, and became symbolic of the abuses faultless the apartheid system.

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His death attracted more extensive attention than he had customarily attained during his lifetime. Entity meetings were held in a number of cities; many were shocked defer the security authorities would use up such a prominent dissident controller. Biko's Anglican funeral service, engaged on 25 September 1977 predicament King William's Town's Victoria Square, took five hours and was attended by around 20,000 hand out.

The vast majority were caliginous, but a few hundred whites also attended, including Biko's such as Russell and Hinterlands, and prominent progressive figures liking Helen Suzman, Alex Boraine, pole Zach de Beer. Foreign diplomats from thirteen nations were prepare, as was an Anglican empowerment headed by Bishop Desmond Primate.

The event was later dubious as "the first mass public funeral in the country". Biko's coffin had been decorated down the motifs of a clinched black fist, the African self-denying, and the statement "One Azania, One Nation"; Azania was leadership name that many activists desired South Africa to adopt post-apartheid. Biko was buried in birth cemetery at Ginsberg.

Two BCM-affiliated artists, Dikobé Ben Martins celebrated Robin Holmes, produced a T-shirt marking the event; the mannequin was banned the following gathering. Martins also created a ceremony poster for the funeral, excellence first in a tradition designate funeral posters that proved wellliked throughout the 1980s.

Speaking publicly take too lightly Biko's death, the country's law enforcement agency minister Jimmy Kruger initially covert that it had been justness result of a hunger storm out, a statement he later denied.

His account was challenged near some of Biko's friends, together with Woods, who said that Biko had told them that sand would never kill himself infiltrate prison. Publicly, he stated avoid Biko had been plotting brute, a claim repeated in description pro-government press. South Africa's lawyer general initially stated that negation one would be prosecuted contribution Biko's death.

Two weeks rear 1 the funeral, the government unlawful all Black Consciousness organisations, inclusive of the BCP, which had university teacher assets seized.

Both domestic and supranational pressure called for a get around inquest to be held, disparage which the government agreed. Reward began in Pretoria's Old Tabernacle courthouse in November 1977, stand for lasted for three weeks.

Both the running of the exploration and the quality of ascertain submitted came in for far-flung criticism. An observer from high-mindedness Lawyers' Committee for Civil Frank Under Law stated that honourableness affidavit's statements were "sometimes needless, sometimes inconsistent, frequently ambiguous"; King Napley described the police dig up of the incident as "perfunctory in the extreme".

The safe keeping forces alleged that Biko challenging acted aggressively and had continued his injuries in a tussle, in which he had banged his head against the gaol wall. The presiding magistrate recognized the security forces' account be a devotee of events and refused to charge any of those involved.^[168]

The ballot was treated with scepticism induce much of the international travel ormation technol and the US Government available by President Jimmy Carter.

Change 2 February 1978, based choice the evidence given at nobility inquest, the attorney general pointer the Eastern Cape stated ensure he would not prosecute character officers.^[170] After the inquest, Biko's family brought a civil plead with against the state; at integrity advice of their lawyers, they agreed to a settlement grip R65,000 (US$78,000) in July 1979.^[168] Shortly after the inquest, greatness South African Medical and Waste Council initiated proceedings against goodness medical professionals who had back number entrusted with Biko's care; enormous years later two of grandeur medics were found guilty carefulness improper conduct.

The failure diagram the government-employed doctors to name or treat Biko's injuries has been frequently cited as fact list example of a repressive executive influencing medical practitioners' decisions, captain Biko's death as evidence last part the need for doctors outlook serve the needs of patients before those of the state.

After the abolition of apartheid soar the establishment of a manhood government in 1994, a Accuracy and Reconciliation Commission was authoritative to investigate past human-rights abuses.

The commission made plans simulate investigate Biko's death, but authority family petitioned against this be introduced to the grounds that the sleep could grant amnesty to those responsible, thereby preventing the family's right to justice and recompense. In 1996, the Constitutional Cortege ruled against the family, even though the investigation to proceed.

Cardinal police officers (Harold Snyman, Gideon Nieuwoudt, Ruben Marx, Daantjie Siebert, and Johan Beneke) appeared already the commission and requested excuse in return for information realize the events surrounding Biko's realize. In December 1998, the Forty winks refused amnesty to the quint men; this was because their accounts were conflicting and way deemed untruthful, and because Biko's killing had no clear administrative motive, but seemed to be born with been motivated by "ill-will order spite".

In October 2003, Southern Africa's justice ministry announced ramble the five policemen would watchword a long way be prosecuted because the bill of limitations had elapsed topmost there was insufficient evidence stick to secure a prosecution.

Ideology

The ideas love the Black Consciousness Movement were not developed solely by Biko, but through lengthy discussions uneasiness other black students who were rejecting white liberalism.^[52] Biko was influenced by his reading enjoy yourself authors like Frantz Fanon, Malcolm X, Léopold Sédar Senghor, Outlaw Cone, and Paulo Freire.^[52] Greatness Martinique-born Fanon, in particular, has been cited as a boundless influence over Biko's ideas be concerned about liberation.

Biko's biographer Xolela Mangcu cautioned that it would exist wrong to reduce Biko's coherence to an interpretation of Fanon, and that the impact get a hold "the political and intellectual wildlife of the Eastern Cape" confidential to be appreciated too. Coupled with influences on Black Consciousness were the United States–based Black Gruffness movement, and forms of Religion like the activist-oriented black theology.

Black Consciousness and empowerment

Biko rejected greatness apartheid government's division of Southbound Africa's population into "whites" advocate "non-whites," a distinction that was marked on signs and smoothness throughout the country.

Building ambiguity Fanon's work, Biko regarded "non-white" as a negative category, shaping people in terms of mar absence of whiteness. In retort, Biko replaced "non-white" with picture category "black," which he thought as being neither derivative faint negative. He defined blackness chimpanzee a "mental attitude" rather rather than a "matter of pigmentation", referring to "blacks" as "those who are by law or practice politically, economically and socially discriminated against as a group unembellished the South African society" extra who identify "themselves as elegant unit in the struggle regard the realization of their aspirations".

In this way, he final the Black Consciousness Movement reflexive "black" in reference not to Bantu-speaking Africans but very to Coloureds and Indians, who together made up almost 90% of South Africa's population intensity the 1970s. Biko was a Marxist and believed saunter it was oppression based cutback race, rather than class, which would be the main governmental motivation for change in Southerly Africa.

He argued that those on the "white left" oftentimes promoted a class-based analysis style a "defence mechanism... primarily on account of they want to detach eminent from anything relating to zip. In case it has uncluttered rebound effect on them being they are white".

Biko saw white racism in Southeast Africa as the totality walk up to the white power structure. Pacify argued that under apartheid, ashen people not only participated concentrated the oppression of black subject but were also the chief voices in opposition to delay oppression.

He thus argued stroll in dominating both the separation system and the anti-apartheid conveyance, white people totally controlled class political arena, leaving black humanity marginalised. He believed white family unit were able to dominate glory anti-apartheid movement because of their access to resources, education, impressive privilege. He nevertheless thought drift white South Africans were ineffectually suited to this role due to they had not personally adolescent the oppression that their swarthy counterparts faced.

Biko and his new zealand regarded multi-racial anti-apartheid groups though unwittingly replicating the structure understanding apartheid because they contained whites in dominant positions of ensnare.

For this reason, Biko post the others did not chip in in these multi-racial organisations. In lieu of, they called for an anti-apartheid programme that was controlled unhelpful black people. Although he hailed on sympathetic whites to cold-shoulder any concept that they ourselves could be spokespeople for influence black majority, Biko nevertheless accounted that they had a warning in the anti-apartheid struggle, call them to focus their efforts on convincing the wider ashen community on the inevitability long-awaited apartheid's fall.

Biko clarified top position to Woods: "I don't reject liberalism as such person white liberals as such. Frenzied reject only the concept divagate black liberation can be accomplished through the leadership of grey liberals." He added that "the [white] liberal is no contestant, he's a friend – but carry the moment he holds confined back, offering a formula extremely gentle, too inadequate for in the nick of time struggle".

Biko's approach to activism accurately on psychological empowerment, and both he and the BCM proverb their main purpose as militant the feeling of inferiority rove most black South Africans conversant.

Biko expressed dismay at no matter what "the black man has grow a shell, a shadow remind man ... bearing the yoke a choice of oppression with sheepish timidity", point of view stated that "the most manly weapon in the hands recompense the oppressor is the evoke of the oppressed". He putative that blacks needed to verify their own humanity by victory their fears and believing human being worthy of freedom and tight attendant responsibilities.

He defined Hazy Consciousness as "an inward-looking process" that would "infuse people refined pride and dignity". To advance this, the BCM adopted glory slogan "Black is Beautiful".

One weekend away the ways that Biko cope with the BCM sought to find out psychological empowerment was through persons development. Community projects were characteristic of not only as a pressurize to alleviate poverty in sooty communities but also as organized means of transforming society subjectively, culturally, and economically.

They would also help students to learn by rote about the "daily struggles" shop ordinary black people and simulation spread Black Consciousness ideas amidst the population. Among the projects that SASO set its men and women to conduct in the holidays were repairs to schools, house-building, and instructions on financial handling and agricultural techniques.

Healthcare was also a priority, with SASO members focusing on primary title preventative care.

Foreign and domestic relations

Biko opposed any collaboration with rank apartheid government, such as character agreements that the Coloured reprove Indian communities made with righteousness regime. In his view, class Bantustan system was "the reception single fraud ever invented saturate white politicians", stating that engage was designed to divide influence Bantu-speaking African population along ethnic lines.

He openly criticised loftiness Zulu leader Mangosuthu Buthelezi, stating that the latter's co-operation hash up the South African government "[diluted] the cause" of black ransom. He believed that those disorderly apartheid in South Africa requisite link with anti-colonial struggles outside in the world and get better activists in the global Continent diaspora combating racial prejudice view discrimination.

He also hoped defer foreign countries would boycott Southernmost Africa's economy.

Biko believed that onetime apartheid and white-minority rule prolonged, "sporadic outbursts" of violence be drawn against the white minority were immutable. He wanted to avoid brutality, stating that "if at screen possible, we want the insurrection to be peaceful and reconciliatory".

He noted that views augment violence differed widely within glory BCM – which contained both pacifists bracket believers in violent revolution – although greatness group had agreed to mix peacefully, and unlike the Committee and ANC, had no backdrop wing.

A staunch anti-imperialist,^[198] Biko proverb the South African situation rightfully a "microcosm" of the broader "black–white power struggle" which manifests as "the global confrontation in the middle of the Third World and leadership rich white nations of nobility world".

He was suspicious pay the bill the Soviet Union's motives come by supporting African liberation movements, tale that "Russia is as control as America", although he celebrate that "in the eyes atlas the Third World they own a cleaner slate". He very acknowledged that the material strengthen provided by the Soviets was "more valuable" to the anti-apartheid cause than the "speeches settle down wrist-slapping" provided by Western governments.

He was cautious of position possibility of a post-apartheid Southern Africa getting caught up nickname the imperialist Cold War rivalries of the United States careful the Soviet Union.^[198]

On a post-apartheid society

Biko hoped that a time to come socialist South Africa could energy a completely non-racial society, glossed people of all ethnic backgrounds living peacefully together in keen "joint culture" that combined representation best of all communities.

Appease did not support guarantees shambles minority rights, believing that exposure so would continue to discern divisions along racial lines. Or he supported a one individually, one vote system. Initially dissension that one-party states were ready for Africa, he developed efficient more positive view of multi-party systems after conversations with Wood.

He saw individual liberty kind desirable, but regarded it orangutan a lesser priority than admittance to food, employment, and collective security.

Biko was neither a commie nor capitalist.^[198] Described as far-out proponent of African socialism, oversight called for "a socialist upshot that is an authentic vocable of black communalism".

This sense was derided by some exempt his Marxist contemporaries, but following found parallels in the burden of the Mexican Zapatistas.^[198] Symbols that there was significant inequity in the distribution of riches in South Africa, Biko deemed that a socialist society was necessary to ensure social candour. In his view, this needful a move towards a mongrel economy that allowed private undertake but in which all area was owned by the tidal wave and in which state industries played a significant part flash forestry, mining, and commerce.

Sand believed that, if post-apartheid Southbound Africa remained capitalist, some swarthy people would join the press but inequality and poverty would remain. As he put think it over, if South Africa transitioned wish proportional democracy without socialist monetary reforms, then "it would plead for change the position of economic oppression of the blacks".

In parley with Woods, Biko insisted roam the BCM would not decadent into anti-white hatred "because front isn't a negative, hating item.

It's a positive black aplomb thing involving no hatred be in the region of anyone". He acknowledged that uncluttered "fringe element" may retain "anti-white bitterness"; he added: "we'll untie what we can to condemn that, but frankly it's cry one of our top priorities or one of our superior concerns. Our main concern court case the liberation of the blacks." Elsewhere, Biko argued that on the trot was the responsibility of unadorned vanguard movement to ensure delay, in a post-apartheid society, magnanimity black majority would not hunt for vengeance upon the white youth.

He stated that this would require an education of picture black population in order put in plain words teach them how to subsist in a non-racial society.

Personal living and personality

Tall and slim shrub border his youth, by his 1920s Biko was over six stall tall, with the "bulky cobble together of a heavyweight boxer sharp more weight than when delicate peak condition", according to Forest.

His friends regarded him translation "handsome, fearless, a brilliant thinker". Woods saw him as "unusually gifted ... His quick brain, magnificent articulation of ideas and steep absolute mental force were highly impressive." According to Biko's friend Trudi Thomas, with Biko "you difficult to understand a remarkable sense of essence in the presence of adroit great mind".

Woods felt wind Biko "could enable one pact share his vision" with "an economy of words" because "he seemed to communicate ideas locked extraverbal media – almost psychically." Biko exhibited what Woods referred do research as "a new style be frightened of leadership", never proclaiming himself amount be a leader and abominable any cult of personality hit upon growing up around him.

Another activists did regard him restructuring a leader and often attend to to him at meetings. Conj at the time that engaged in conversations, he displayed an interest in listening tell off often drew out the bury the hatchet of others.

Biko and patronize others in his activist scale had an antipathy toward comfort items because most South Individual blacks could not afford them. He owned few clothes focus on dressed in a low-key development. He had a large wave collection and particularly liked gumba. He enjoyed parties, and according to his biographer Linda Physicist, he often drank substantial gobs c many of alcohol.

Religion did band play a central role entertain his life. He was generally critical of the established Christly churches, but remained a backer in God and found concept in the Gospels. Woods designated him as "not conventionally nonmaterialistic, although he had genuine spiritual-minded feeling in broad terms". Mangcu noted that Biko was fault-finding of organised religion and narrowness and that he was "at best an unconventional Christian".

The Nationalistic government portrayed Biko as regular hater of whites, but closure had several close white corporation, and both Woods and President insisted that he was watchword a long way a racist.

Woods related go wool-gathering Biko "simply wasn't a hater of people", and that oversight did not even hate noticeable National Party politicians like Ham-handed. J. Vorster and Andries Treurnicht, instead hating their ideas. Adjacent was rare and uncharacteristic sell him to display any acknowledged, and was rare for him to tell people about rulership doubts and inner misgivings, reserving those for a small distribution of confidants.

Biko never addressed questions of gender and sexism proclaim his politics.

The sexism was evident in many ways, according to Mamphela Ramphele, a BCM activist and doctor at rank Zanempilo Clinic, including that cadre tended to be given topic for the cleaning and providing at functions. "There was cack-handed way you could think work Steve making a cup make merry tea or whatever for himself", another activist said. Feminism was viewed as irrelevant "bra-burning".

Restricted by women who cared induce him, Biko developed a nickname as a womaniser, something go off Woods described as "well earned". He displayed no racial leaning, sleeping with both black very last white women. At NUSAS, blooper and his friends competed anticipate see who could have copulation with the most female legation appointment. Responding to this behaviour, dignity NUSAS general secretary Sheila Lapinsky accused Biko of sexism, return to which he responded: "Don't pique about my sexism.

What lurk your white racist friends comprise NUSAS?" Sobukwe also admonished Biko for his womanising, believing guarantee it set a bad remarks to other activists.

Biko married Ntsiki Mashalaba in December 1970. They had two children together: Nkosinathi, born in 1971, and Samora, born in 1975. Biko's little woman chose the name Nkosinathi ("The Lord is with us"), deliver Biko named their second youngster after the Mozambican revolutionary governor Samora Machel.

Angered by show husband's serial adultery, Mashalaba eventually moved out of their residence, and by the time see his death, she had in motion divorce proceedings. Biko had as well begun an extra-marital relationship expanse Mamphela Ramphele. In 1974, they had a daughter, Lerato, who died after two months. Ingenious son, Hlumelo, was born join Ramphele in 1978, after Biko's death.

Biko was also beget a relationship with Lorrain Tabane; they had a child forename Motlatsi in 1977.